Meetings of the nation’s parliament are ritual affairs. But because China is a one-party state, the annual sessions of the legislative and political consultative bodies also amount to a political-party conference. As such, they give the ambitious a rare opportunity to make an impression among the elite and rank and file. The duller the proceedings, the better for attention-seekers.
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A long way to go to clean up deep-rooted corruption
14 March 2010
Meetings of the nation’s parliament are ritual affairs. But because China is a one-party state, the annual sessions of the legislative and political consultative bodies also amount to a political-party conference. As such, they give the ambitious a rare opportunity to make an impression among the elite and rank and file. The duller the proceedings, the better for attention-seekers.
This month’s uneventful gatherings were tailor-made for Chongqing party chief Bo Xilai to display the ease and charm of his populist appeal. Bo, the son of former influential elder Bo Yibo and politburo member, is better known now for his crackdown on organised crime and corruption in the southwestern metropolis. It has been instrumental in his comeback to emerge as one of the top contenders for a seat among the next generation of leaders, after many observers had written the then commerce minister off when he was sent to Chongqing in 2007. It has won applause from ordinary citizens and has been the talk of meetings involving Chongqing delegates during the NPC session.
Bo’s crackdown, which has brought down senior officials, is arguably consistent with party policy, since Premier Wen Jiabao has reaffirmed the fight against corruption as necessary to maintain the political legitimacy of communist rule. But it contrasts with tentative moves to counter corruption in a different way - by requiring officials and cadres to declare assets, but stopping short of the most effective deterrent - public disclosure, meaning wrongdoing in high places can be covered up.
While Bo has hogged the limelight at the parliamentary session, both President Hu Jintao and Wen have yet to voice support for him or endorse the crackdown, nine months after it began.
It is yet to be shown that his approach is doing anything to reform the political environment for deep-rooted corruption, but it has won public backing. His unconcealed ambition for higher office may depend on how the party reconciles its need for greater popular support with its reluctance to admit mistakes or embrace transparency and accountability.
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