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Thursday 13 October 2011
The great work of the 1911 revolution should end with a truly modern China
Hu Shuli says the republican spirit that invigorated a generation of Chinese people to overthrow dynastic rule should now inspire a push for democratic reform
The great work of the 1911 revolution should end with a truly modern China
Hu Shuli says the republican spirit that invigorated a generation of Chinese people to overthrow dynastic rule should now inspire a push for democratic reform
13 October 2011
A hundred years ago on October 10, the people’s uprising in Wuchang, Hubei, fired the opening shot of China’s republican revolution. The Republic of China was founded in Nanjing on January 1, 1912; it marked the end of over 2,000 years of imperial rule, dramatically changing the course of Chinese history. Today, we should commemorate the event not with the self-satisfied celebration of a rejuvenated China, but by pressing ahead with its modernisation in the true republican spirit.
History teaches many lessons. Just half a year before the success of the Wuchang uprising, the Chinese Revolutionary Alliance (Tong Meng Hui) saw its 10th attempt to overthrow the Qing government snuffed out by its troops.
Historians today agree that the spark that finally ignited the flames of rebellion came from two events in May that year - a Qing decree that set up a cabinet comprising largely members of the royal family, and the forced nationalisation of two railway lines. First, the cabinet announcement was a slap in the face for the moderate gentry who had put their trust in a new constitution, pushing them to back the rebels. Second, the seizure of two privately owned railway lines triggered a mass movement - especially active in Sichuan - against it. Some Qing troops stationed in Hubei were deployed to quell the protests, leaving Wuchang relatively unguarded.
In other words, it was the lack of progress on political reform that set the stage for revolution. The reform rolled out by the Qing rulers in 1901 consisted merely of non-political measures to rationalise the administration for more effective functioning, and did nothing to foster wider political participation. The government’s pledge in 1906 to draw up a constitution raised hopes that were dashed when the “royal cabinet” was announced. Faced with a government blinded by self-interest, society finally chose change through revolution.
Undeniably, the Western-influenced call for modernisation that started in the late 19th century also played a large role in shaping people’s consciousness of civil rights. At the forefront of the movement were progressive thinkers and scholars, many of whom supported a constitutional monarchy for China. Among them, reformist Liang Qichao pioneered the concept of citizenship. “Chinese people do not know the meaning of citizenship,” he said. “Citizens are the people of a nation, and a nation is the sum of its people. Without citizens, there can be no nation.” His idea implied the separation of nation from government; and of loyalty to the nation from loyalty to government. So when it became clear that the Qing reform would happen only on paper, the people sought to overthrow their rulers.
Much has already been said on the great significance of the 1911 revolution. Here, I would highlight these points: in the 1912 provisional constitution unveiled by the interim government of the Republic of China, the opening chapter made it clear that “the sovereignty of the nation belongs to its people”. Further, the second chapter affirmed the equality of all, stating that all Chinese may enjoy the freedom of the person and property; free speech and a free press; and the freedom of assembly, association, communication and religion. All have a right to petition and litigation; take part in exams and run for elections. At the same time, all are obliged to pay taxes and serve in the military. These are rights and obligations rooted in a democracy.
Sun Yat-sen’s vision of revolutionising politics and society with a single revolt did not pan out in the end. In the years following 1911, the economy did improve but the country soon succumbed to warlord conflict and rampant official corruption. This made Sun rethink his three phases of political development - military administration, political tutelage and constitutional rule - and turn to Soviet Russia as a model. The upheavals that followed distorted the spirit of the 1911 revolution, and the split between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party was a particularly painful lesson.
At its heart, the 1911 revolt failed to establish a new order because the necessary historical conditions for modernisation did not exist. As historian Ray Huang noted, a country becomes modern when its previously agrarian society can be managed according to commercial principles, and this depends on not only a suitable political system, but also the ability of the economy to conduct free and fair transactions. A modern society is “mathematically manageable”.
For many years after 1911, China remained an agrarian society with little industrialisation. The large numbers of surplus rural workers made land a source of conflict. At the same time, the aggression of powerful neighbours meant China was constantly in a crisis mode. The large-scale mobilisation of people under an authoritarian leadership thus became the norm. In the midst of constant chaos, some even expressed the view that China was not suited to a parliamentary democracy. The notions of civil liberty and civil society had no way of being developed.
Today, after 30 years of reform and opening up, the framework of a market economy is finally in place. In material terms, China is now a modern society. The next step is to push on with political reform in the spirit of a democratic republic. In this way, we honour the early revolutionaries - by completing their unfinished work in mainland China.
This article is provided by Caixin Media, and the Chinese version of it was first published in Century Weekly magazine.
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The great work of the 1911 revolution should end with a truly modern China
Hu Shuli says the republican spirit that invigorated a generation of Chinese people to overthrow dynastic rule should now inspire a push for democratic reform
13 October 2011
A hundred years ago on October 10, the people’s uprising in Wuchang, Hubei, fired the opening shot of China’s republican revolution. The Republic of China was founded in Nanjing on January 1, 1912; it marked the end of over 2,000 years of imperial rule, dramatically changing the course of Chinese history. Today, we should commemorate the event not with the self-satisfied celebration of a rejuvenated China, but by pressing ahead with its modernisation in the true republican spirit.
History teaches many lessons. Just half a year before the success of the Wuchang uprising, the Chinese Revolutionary Alliance (Tong Meng Hui) saw its 10th attempt to overthrow the Qing government snuffed out by its troops.
Historians today agree that the spark that finally ignited the flames of rebellion came from two events in May that year - a Qing decree that set up a cabinet comprising largely members of the royal family, and the forced nationalisation of two railway lines. First, the cabinet announcement was a slap in the face for the moderate gentry who had put their trust in a new constitution, pushing them to back the rebels. Second, the seizure of two privately owned railway lines triggered a mass movement - especially active in Sichuan - against it. Some Qing troops stationed in Hubei were deployed to quell the protests, leaving Wuchang relatively unguarded.
In other words, it was the lack of progress on political reform that set the stage for revolution. The reform rolled out by the Qing rulers in 1901 consisted merely of non-political measures to rationalise the administration for more effective functioning, and did nothing to foster wider political participation. The government’s pledge in 1906 to draw up a constitution raised hopes that were dashed when the “royal cabinet” was announced. Faced with a government blinded by self-interest, society finally chose change through revolution.
Undeniably, the Western-influenced call for modernisation that started in the late 19th century also played a large role in shaping people’s consciousness of civil rights. At the forefront of the movement were progressive thinkers and scholars, many of whom supported a constitutional monarchy for China. Among them, reformist Liang Qichao pioneered the concept of citizenship. “Chinese people do not know the meaning of citizenship,” he said. “Citizens are the people of a nation, and a nation is the sum of its people. Without citizens, there can be no nation.” His idea implied the separation of nation from government; and of loyalty to the nation from loyalty to government. So when it became clear that the Qing reform would happen only on paper, the people sought to overthrow their rulers.
Much has already been said on the great significance of the 1911 revolution. Here, I would highlight these points: in the 1912 provisional constitution unveiled by the interim government of the Republic of China, the opening chapter made it clear that “the sovereignty of the nation belongs to its people”. Further, the second chapter affirmed the equality of all, stating that all Chinese may enjoy the freedom of the person and property; free speech and a free press; and the freedom of assembly, association, communication and religion. All have a right to petition and litigation; take part in exams and run for elections. At the same time, all are obliged to pay taxes and serve in the military. These are rights and obligations rooted in a democracy.
Sun Yat-sen’s vision of revolutionising politics and society with a single revolt did not pan out in the end. In the years following 1911, the economy did improve but the country soon succumbed to warlord conflict and rampant official corruption. This made Sun rethink his three phases of political development - military administration, political tutelage and constitutional rule - and turn to Soviet Russia as a model. The upheavals that followed distorted the spirit of the 1911 revolution, and the split between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party was a particularly painful lesson.
At its heart, the 1911 revolt failed to establish a new order because the necessary historical conditions for modernisation did not exist. As historian Ray Huang noted, a country becomes modern when its previously agrarian society can be managed according to commercial principles, and this depends on not only a suitable political system, but also the ability of the economy to conduct free and fair transactions. A modern society is “mathematically manageable”.
For many years after 1911, China remained an agrarian society with little industrialisation. The large numbers of surplus rural workers made land a source of conflict. At the same time, the aggression of powerful neighbours meant China was constantly in a crisis mode. The large-scale mobilisation of people under an authoritarian leadership thus became the norm. In the midst of constant chaos, some even expressed the view that China was not suited to a parliamentary democracy. The notions of civil liberty and civil society had no way of being developed.
Today, after 30 years of reform and opening up, the framework of a market economy is finally in place. In material terms, China is now a modern society. The next step is to push on with political reform in the spirit of a democratic republic. In this way, we honour the early revolutionaries - by completing their unfinished work in mainland China.
This article is provided by Caixin Media, and the Chinese version of it was first published in Century Weekly magazine.
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