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Thursday 12 March 2009
Tibetan exiles stand at bitter crossroads
They discussed whether to carry on talks with Beijing or to pursue Tibetan independence. But one key figure who was missing was their revered spiritual leader, the 14th Dalai Lama.
In November, nearly 600 exiled Tibetans from around the world gathered in Dharamsala in northern India for a heated debate about their future.
They discussed whether to carry on talks with Beijing or to pursue Tibetan independence. But one key figure who was missing was their revered spiritual leader, the 14th Dalai Lama.
The 73-year-old decided not to take part in an apparent effort to encourage younger Tibetans to map out their future in his absence.
For more than five decades, the Dalai Lama has been a central figure in the lives of Tibetans inside China and living in exile.
His influence is not only religious but also political, and his authority almost unparalleled.
Analysts say it is hard to imagine anyone filling such big shoes in the campaign for greater freedom for Tibetans, especially as many young Tibetans are losing patience with the Dalai Lama’s “middle way” approach.
While Beijing seems to be waiting for him to die before making its next big move in dealing with the Tibetan government-in-exile, the conference in November was the first major step towards preparing for a future without its iconic standard-bearer.
Despite stepping out of the public eye briefly last year for gallbladder surgery, the Dalai Lama is still largely in charge of the administration’s operation and international campaign. But critics say that the Tibetans are racing against time to come up with tactics to deal with an increasingly hardline Chinese government.
The situation in Dharamsala is general disarray, says Elliot Sperling from Indiana University’s Central Eurasian Studies Centre.
The Dalai Lama has suggested that Tibetans decide in a referendum whether he should be reincarnated before he dies.
He has also suggested his next incarnation could be a woman, or could be found outside China.
Dr Sperling says these proposals show that the exiled government is far from reaching a conclusion on what to do next.
“People in Dharamsala ... don’t really know what they are going to do,” he said.
He says the government-in-exile and the Tibetan community lack the sophistication and skills to deal with Beijing.
“The ironic thing is the Dalai Lama says China doesn’t understand him well, but in the Chinese government there are thousands of people who work on nationality affairs, on foreign affairs.
“Every word that the Dalai Lama says is analysed,” he said.
“Meanwhile, in Dharamsala, the Dalai Lama really doesn’t have anything like that, in terms of a body of people who are skilled in Chinese affairs, in Chinese politics.”
Dr Sperling says the Dalai Lama’s administration is also short on trained diplomats. “So it’s ironic that they are at the same disadvantage as in 1951, when they signed the agreement without knowing how important terminology was,” he said, referring to the Seventeen Point Agreement for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet.
The agreement was signed between Mao Zedong’s communist government and the 14th Dalai Lama. It confirmed China’s sovereignty over Tibet.
Dr Sperling says many Tibetans assumed the document was a treaty, something entered into by two countries, rather than an agreement that indicated Tibet was already part of China.
Many younger Tibetans have grown increasingly frustrated by the Dalai Lama’s willingness to trade independence for greater autonomy in Tibetan-populated areas, given that years of negotiation with Beijing have yielded no fruit.
The talks broke down last year, after the Olympic Games.
Some critics have forecast the creation of a more radical government-in-exile, saying that the only thing supporting the middle-way approach is the Dalai Lama’s name.
Robert Barnett, Tibetan expert at Columbia University in New York, says it will be difficult for the government-in-exile to argue with the radicals if no progress is made in negotiations by the time their spiritual leader dies.
“The reason that the exile government gets pressure and becomes radical is because China doesn’t give any confidence to them,” he said.
The first battleground issue is likely to be picking the next Dalai Lama.
“Picking the next Dalai Lama will be a hugely political issue,” Professor Barnett said.
“Beijing is widely said to have already appointed a committee to look into the procedure for choosing the next Dalai Lama.”
In 2007, Beijing issued new rules that required all living Buddhas to obtain its permission before they could reincarnate.
This means it is almost impossible for any candidate the government-in-exile proposes for the Dalai Lama’s next incarnation to be accepted legally in the communist-ruled Tibet Autonomous Region.
The western media has speculated that the 23-year-old Karmapa Lama, the head of one of the four major schools of Tibetan Buddhism, may emerge as the next spiritual leader. But the Dalai Lama has yet to offer any hint on his future role.
While it will take a while before an equally charismatic Tibetan leader comes into sight, Professor Barnett says Beijing is missing a golden opportunity to resolve the Tibet problem peacefully.
“It will be generations before the Tibetans will forgive the Chinese government for throwing away their historic chance to settle this problem with peace. The feeling of loss and grief ... will be immeasurable.”
1 comment:
Tibetan exiles stand at bitter crossroads
Kristine Kwok
12 March 2009
In November, nearly 600 exiled Tibetans from around the world gathered in Dharamsala in northern India for a heated debate about their future.
They discussed whether to carry on talks with Beijing or to pursue Tibetan independence. But one key figure who was missing was their revered spiritual leader, the 14th Dalai Lama.
The 73-year-old decided not to take part in an apparent effort to encourage younger Tibetans to map out their future in his absence.
For more than five decades, the Dalai Lama has been a central figure in the lives of Tibetans inside China and living in exile.
His influence is not only religious but also political, and his authority almost unparalleled.
Analysts say it is hard to imagine anyone filling such big shoes in the campaign for greater freedom for Tibetans, especially as many young Tibetans are losing patience with the Dalai Lama’s “middle way” approach.
While Beijing seems to be waiting for him to die before making its next big move in dealing with the Tibetan government-in-exile, the conference in November was the first major step towards preparing for a future without its iconic standard-bearer.
Despite stepping out of the public eye briefly last year for gallbladder surgery, the Dalai Lama is still largely in charge of the administration’s operation and international campaign. But critics say that the Tibetans are racing against time to come up with tactics to deal with an increasingly hardline Chinese government.
The situation in Dharamsala is general disarray, says Elliot Sperling from Indiana University’s Central Eurasian Studies Centre.
The Dalai Lama has suggested that Tibetans decide in a referendum whether he should be reincarnated before he dies.
He has also suggested his next incarnation could be a woman, or could be found outside China.
Dr Sperling says these proposals show that the exiled government is far from reaching a conclusion on what to do next.
“People in Dharamsala ... don’t really know what they are going to do,” he said.
He says the government-in-exile and the Tibetan community lack the sophistication and skills to deal with Beijing.
“The ironic thing is the Dalai Lama says China doesn’t understand him well, but in the Chinese government there are thousands of people who work on nationality affairs, on foreign affairs.
“Every word that the Dalai Lama says is analysed,” he said.
“Meanwhile, in Dharamsala, the Dalai Lama really doesn’t have anything like that, in terms of a body of people who are skilled in Chinese affairs, in Chinese politics.”
Dr Sperling says the Dalai Lama’s administration is also short on trained diplomats. “So it’s ironic that they are at the same disadvantage as in 1951, when they signed the agreement without knowing how important terminology was,” he said, referring to the Seventeen Point Agreement for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet.
The agreement was signed between Mao Zedong’s communist government and the 14th Dalai Lama. It confirmed China’s sovereignty over Tibet.
Dr Sperling says many Tibetans assumed the document was a treaty, something entered into by two countries, rather than an agreement that indicated Tibet was already part of China.
Many younger Tibetans have grown increasingly frustrated by the Dalai Lama’s willingness to trade independence for greater autonomy in Tibetan-populated areas, given that years of negotiation with Beijing have yielded no fruit.
The talks broke down last year, after the Olympic Games.
Some critics have forecast the creation of a more radical government-in-exile, saying that the only thing supporting the middle-way approach is the Dalai Lama’s name.
Robert Barnett, Tibetan expert at Columbia University in New York, says it will be difficult for the government-in-exile to argue with the radicals if no progress is made in negotiations by the time their spiritual leader dies.
“The reason that the exile government gets pressure and becomes radical is because China doesn’t give any confidence to them,” he said.
The first battleground issue is likely to be picking the next Dalai Lama.
“Picking the next Dalai Lama will be a hugely political issue,” Professor Barnett said.
“Beijing is widely said to have already appointed a committee to look into the procedure for choosing the next Dalai Lama.”
In 2007, Beijing issued new rules that required all living Buddhas to obtain its permission before they could reincarnate.
This means it is almost impossible for any candidate the government-in-exile proposes for the Dalai Lama’s next incarnation to be accepted legally in the communist-ruled Tibet Autonomous Region.
The western media has speculated that the 23-year-old Karmapa Lama, the head of one of the four major schools of Tibetan Buddhism, may emerge as the next spiritual leader. But the Dalai Lama has yet to offer any hint on his future role.
While it will take a while before an equally charismatic Tibetan leader comes into sight, Professor Barnett says Beijing is missing a golden opportunity to resolve the Tibet problem peacefully.
“It will be generations before the Tibetans will forgive the Chinese government for throwing away their historic chance to settle this problem with peace. The feeling of loss and grief ... will be immeasurable.”
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